2022/08/17

「影の総理」と呼ばれた男 ・菊池正史著・講談社現代新書



 自社さきがけ政権と言ってピンとくる世代は、もはや1980年以降に生まれた人だろう。
この政権の中枢にいたのが野中広務である。私は過去から現在に至るまで自民党に投票したことはなく、リベラルな立場を続けている。昔は社会党を応援していた。ただ六十代をとうに超えていま思うのは、昔の自民党には右から左まで広い考え方があり、その中には私の考え方と合う人が数多くいたのだとう事実を最近になって分かってきたということだ。ある意味で世の中がかつてより右傾化しているという事だろう。
 野中広務は官房長官、自民党の幹事長などを務めた。中央政界に出てくるのは遅く、初当選が57歳の時である。もう少し早く出ていれば時代は変わっていたかも知れない。
 この本「影の総理と呼ばれた男」は日本テレビの記者として野中の担当になった菊池正史がノンフィクション的にその政界での活動をまとめたものである。野中広務は2018年に亡くなったので、その足跡を残したいという筆者の思いもあって書かれたと思う。
 野中は、自民党でありながら社会党の村山政権を支え、オウム真理教事件発生時の国家公安委員長として指導にあたり、その後は自公連立政権の樹立などにあたって活躍したことが世に知られている。「ハトがタカが守っている」と言われたのは野中が最初だったのでは無いだろうか。
 その生き様は強烈で、真似をできるものでは無いが、弱者の立場に立ち、共に苦しみ、権力を追求し、相手と妥協しながらも落とし所を見つけ、実行していくところに共感できる。保守とは何かとい問いに彼は「反戦、平和という憲法の理念を守り、国民みんなが中産階級になれるように社会を育てる」と答えている。不思議だ。本来、こういう言葉は共産党や社会党から出てくるべき言葉に思っていた。一方で彼は自分の戦争体験から「国が一色に染まっていく」事への強烈な拒否感を持ち、一人になっても自民党の誰々が一強という体制に対しては反対を貫いた稀有な人物だと思う。

 私もこの年齢に達して改めて思う。分かりやすく、強すぎるリーダー、そして周りに自分への反対を許さない、そういう人物や団体は非常に危険だと言うことを。特に今のように中国・北朝鮮・ロシアのように直接的な軍事的脅威が強まっている時期、かつ韓国とも不協和音が経っている時というのは、国民にとって強いリーダーを渇望しやすい。それが個人あるいは戦前の軍部のようなものでも、その出現に国民やマスコミも熱狂する。「日本人というのは一色に染まりやすい危うい体質を持っている」と野中が言う。私も全く同じ意見だ。私自身の過去を振り返っても、その一人だと実感する。

 いま軍備を強化し、敵地攻撃力を持というという議論が強くなっている。北朝鮮の国連を無視してポンポンとミサイルを打ち上げるのを見ていて、またウクライナに一方的に軍事行動を起こすロシアを見ていて、かつ中国が裏でそれを擁護する行動を取るにつけ、日本の核武装論が出てくるのは感情論的にはある意味で自然かも知れない。またそれを正当化するための憲法改正論が強くなるのも自然かも知れない。日本は経済力と軍事力で中国には勝てない。北朝鮮、ロシアと戦うと言うことは最終的に中国とも戦うことになる。その際に核戦争を回避するためアメリカは参戦しない可能性がある。だから日本はもっと軍事力を強化するべきだ、という論理になるのも分かり易い。ただ重要なのは、議論の原点である「日本は逆さになっても中国に軍事的に勝ことは無理だ」という事実であり、だからこそ外交や米・豪・欧州・韓などとの連携に知力を尽くさなければならないと思う。つまり「始める前から絶対に中国を全て占領するのは無理だ、米国に勝のは無理だ」と分かっていながら国民的な熱狂を背景にして孤立主義を選び、軍部が全世界を敵に回して三百万人の命を失う馬鹿な戦争を起こした事への反省が無いことへの不安に駆られる。自分を守り、相手の攻撃を止めるための最低限の軍備は確かに必要だろう。ただ相手に負けないほどの軍備を身につけると、相手はさらに大きな軍備を持とうとする。キリがない。
 野中の生き様を見ていると、もし彼が今に生きていれば、最後の一人になってもそう主張し続け、自ら相手の説得と落とし所を見つけるために全精力を使ったのではないかと思えてならない。
 考え方が右でも左でも中間でも、彼が何を求めて生きたかを知って欲しいと思わせた本だった。

The term "Pioneering Administration" likely resonates with the generation born after 1980. At the core of this administration was Hiromu Nonaka. I've never cast my vote for the Liberal Democratic Party from the past to the present, and I've held onto a liberal stance. In the past, I supported the Social Democratic Party. However, as I've long passed my sixties, I've come to realize that the old Liberal Democratic Party embraced a wide range of ideologies, spanning from right to left, and there were numerous individuals whose views aligned with mine. In a sense, it seems that society has shifted towards the right more so than before.

 

Hiromu Nonaka held positions such as Chief Cabinet Secretary and Secretary-General of the Liberal Democratic Party. He entered central politics relatively late, securing his first election victory at the age of 57. Had he entered a bit earlier, the times might have changed.

 

The book titled "The Man Called the Shadow Prime Minister" is a compilation of Nonaka's political activities presented in a nonfiction form, authored by Masafumi Kikuchi, a reporter from Nippon Television who covered Nonaka's activities. Since Hiromu Nonaka passed away in 2018, I believe the author wrote this book with the intention of preserving his legacy.

 

Nonaka supported the Social Democratic Party's Murayama administration while being a member of the Liberal Democratic Party. He played a significant role as the Chairman of the National Public Safety Commission during the Aum Shinrikyo incident, and later played an active role in establishing the coalition government between the Liberal Democratic Party and Komeito. It's widely known that he was the first to be referred to as "a dove guarded by a hawk."

 

His way of life is intense and difficult to emulate, yet I can empathize with his stance of standing with the underprivileged, sharing their struggles, pursuing power, finding compromise with opponents while seeking common ground, and executing actions. When asked about the meaning of conservatism, he replied, "Upholding the constitutional ideals of anti-war and peace, and nurturing society so that all citizens can become part of the middle class." It's odd; I used to think such words should originate from the Communist Party or the Social Democratic Party. However, he also strongly rejected the idea of the country becoming monolithic due to his wartime experience. He was a unique individual who persisted in opposing the one-party dominance within the Liberal Democratic Party, even when alone.

 

Reaching this age, I reflect on the clear danger of charismatic and overpowering leaders who do not tolerate opposition. Especially during times when direct military threats are increasing from China, North Korea, and Russia, and when relations with South Korea are strained, there's a tendency for citizens to yearn for strong leadership. This could be in the form of an individual leader or an organization, and both the public and the media tend to become enthusiastic about such emergence. "Japanese people have a vulnerable trait of easily becoming monolithic," Nonaka states. I wholeheartedly agree. Reflecting on my own past, I also feel the same way.

 

Now there is a strong debate about strengthening military capabilities and having offensive capabilities. Watching North Korea launch missiles in defiance of the United Nations and observing Russia unilaterally taking military actions in Ukraine, supported by China, it might be emotionally natural for discussions about Japan's nuclear armament and constitutional amendments to surface. Japan cannot win against China in terms of economic and military power. To engage with North Korea and Russia means eventually confronting China as well. In such a scenario, there's a possibility that the United States might not intervene to prevent nuclear war. Hence, the logic of further bolstering Japan's military becomes understandable. However, it's essential to recognize that at the heart of this debate is the fact that "Japan cannot militarily defeat China, even if the country turns itself upside down." Thus, I believe Japan should put intellectual effort into diplomacy and cooperation with the United States, Australia, Europe, and South Korea. In other words, knowing from the outset that attempting to fully conquer China or defeat the United States is unrealistic and choosing isolationism based on nationalistic fervor without reflecting on the disastrous consequences of starting a foolish war that caused the loss of three million lives worldwide is a concern. It's undoubtedly necessary to have a minimal military capability to protect oneself and deter adversaries. However, once you build up enough military strength to surpass your opponent, your opponent will strive to amass even greater military power. It's an endless cycle.

 

Observing Hiromu Nonaka's life, I can't help but wonder if he would have continued to assert himself, find compromises with opponents, and exhaust all his efforts to reach common ground, even if he were alive today and became the last standing. Regardless of whether one's beliefs lean right, left, or center, this book makes me want people to know what he sought in life.